Age, Biography and Wiki
Anthony Mazzocchi was a labor leader and Vice-President and Secretary-Treasurer of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union (OCAW). He was born on June 13, 1926 in Bensonhurst, New York.
Mazzocchi was a leader in the labor movement for over 40 years. He was a strong advocate for workers’ rights and safety, and was a key figure in the passage of the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970. He was also a leader in the fight for environmental justice, and was a founding member of the Environmental Justice Movement.
Mazzocchi was a recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1995. He passed away in 2002 at the age of 76.
Mazzocchi's net worth is unknown.
Popular As |
N/A |
Occupation |
miscellaneous |
Age |
76 years old |
Zodiac Sign |
Gemini |
Born |
13 June, 1926 |
Birthday |
13 June |
Birthplace |
Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, New York City, United States |
Date of death |
October 5, 2002 |
Died Place |
Washington, D.C., United States |
Nationality |
United States |
We recommend you to check the complete list of Famous People born on 13 June.
He is a member of famous Miscellaneous with the age 76 years old group.
Anthony Mazzocchi Height, Weight & Measurements
At 76 years old, Anthony Mazzocchi height not available right now. We will update Anthony Mazzocchi's Height, weight, Body Measurements, Eye Color, Hair Color, Shoe & Dress size soon as possible.
Physical Status |
Height |
Not Available |
Weight |
Not Available |
Body Measurements |
Not Available |
Eye Color |
Not Available |
Hair Color |
Not Available |
Who Is Anthony Mazzocchi's Wife?
His wife is Rose Alfonso (divorced) Susan Lynn Kleinwaks (divorced) Katherine Isaac (unmarried partner)
Family |
Parents |
Not Available |
Wife |
Rose Alfonso (divorced) Susan Lynn Kleinwaks (divorced) Katherine Isaac (unmarried partner) |
Sibling |
Not Available |
Children |
One son, five daughters |
Anthony Mazzocchi Net Worth
His net worth has been growing significantly in 2022-2023. So, how much is Anthony Mazzocchi worth at the age of 76 years old? Anthony Mazzocchi’s income source is mostly from being a successful Miscellaneous. He is from United States. We have estimated
Anthony Mazzocchi's net worth
, money, salary, income, and assets.
Net Worth in 2023 |
$1 Million - $5 Million |
Salary in 2023 |
Under Review |
Net Worth in 2022 |
Pending |
Salary in 2022 |
Under Review |
House |
Not Available |
Cars |
Not Available |
Source of Income |
Miscellaneous |
Anthony Mazzocchi Social Network
Timeline
I wanted the whole country to know in detail what had happened at that factory, and to understand what had gone on there—the fruitless...lack of enforcement by the Department of Labor, the whole long lousy history of neglect, deceit and stupidity—was happening in dozens of other ways, in hundreds of other factories, to thousands of other men across the land. I wanted people to know that thousands upon thousands of their fellow citizens were being assaulted daily, and that the police—in this case, the federal government—had done nothing to remedy the situation. In short I wanted them to know that murder was being committed in the workplace, and that no one was bothering about it.
Mazzocchi was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer in the spring of 2002. He died of the disease at his home in Washington, D. C., on October 5, 2002.
Mazzocchi founded the Labor Party in 1996. For several decades, Mazzocchi had been convinced that corporations and entrenched political interests were not serving the best interests of working people. Throughout the 1980s, Mazzocchi ran an organization known as the Labor Party Advocates, a group of individuals committed to the goal of organizing a political party to support national health care, Social Security, labor rights and other workers' issues.
In 1991, Mazzocchi established Alice Hamilton College, an alternative school for union members. It is named for Dr. Alice Hamilton, a pioneer in occupational health. In 2001, he founded the Labor Film Festival at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts.
Goss retired in 1988, and was succeeded by Robert Wages. Mazzocchi had reconciled with Wages in the mid-1980s, who asked Mazzocchi to be his running mate. Elected OCAW's Secretary-Treasurer in 1988, Mazzocchi served until his retirement in 1991. From 1991 to 1999, Mazzocchi served as "special assistant to the president" on legislative, civil rights, health and safety matters.
Mazzocchi continued to fight for a new asbestos standard, and in 1986 OSHA issued a temporary revised standard. Mazzocchi's efforts for a stricter standard continued, and in 1992 OSHA issued a final revised standard which cut in half the levels of asbestos exposure permitted under its 1986 rule.
Estranged from the OCAW leadership, Mazzocchi spent much of the early 1980s agitating for more aggressive organizing and stronger stands on occupational health and safety. He was an important figure in the "right to know" movement, which advocated for rules, regulations and legislation to give individuals the right to know which chemicals they may be exposed to while on the job. He drew national attention to industry efforts to force women who worked with toxic chemical to undergo sterilization. Ms. magazine named him one of the "40 Male Heroes of the Decade" in 1982 for his work against company-sponsored sterilization.
Mazzocchi's efforts on health and safety boosted his political popularity within the union. In 1977, he defeated the incumbent Elwood Swisher to become vice president of OCAW. Encouraged by supporters, he ran for president of the union in 1979 when Alvin F. Grospiron retired. He lost to Robert Goss by 1 percent of the vote. He challenged Goss for the presidency again in 1981. But the disaffiliation of most of OCAW's Canadian membership and the breakup of the environmental-union coalition over the issue of job protections led to a second defeat (again by less than 1 percent of the vote). Some accused Goss, who had strong ties to the CIA, of dirty tricks during the election. Others pointed out that many OCAW members were unhappy with Mazzocchi's views on nuclear disarmament and the environment.
Although Mazzocchi continued to fight for worker health and safety issues at Kerr-McGee, he was forced to cease any further investigations into Silkwood's death in 1975. Union members began to fear the AEC or the company might close the plant, and Mazzocchi was forced to weigh the livelihoods of hundreds of members against any additional investigation.
Mazzocchi was a friend and confidante of Karen Silkwood. Silkwood was a technician at a Kerr-McGee nuclear fuel milling, conversion, enrichment, and fuel rod fabrication plant in Crescent, Oklahoma, about 30 miles north of Oklahoma City. Silkwood, a newly elected union representative, became concerned that Kerr-McGee officials were falsifying records about the integrity of the plant's plutonium nuclear fuel rods. Silkwood and two other workers met with Mazzocchi in Washington, D.C., the week of September 26, 1974. Although Mazzocchi was preoccupied with his asbestos fight, he spent a day talking to the three workers. They knew almost nothing about the dangers of the materials they were working with, and Mazzocchi helped educate them about these hazards. At this meeting, Silkwood revealed that she was aware Kerr-McGee may have falsified its quality-control records. Mazzocchi arranged for the three to testify before the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) regarding safety failures at the Crescent plant. Mazzocchi also outlined a two-point plan for the workers to follow. First, they would pursue the safety lapses with the AEC. Second, and more importantly, Mazzocchi asked Silkwood to collect more information on the quality lapses. She was not to take any documents, but was to take notes on documents, record what she observed, and begin building a case. Mazzocchi believed that by leaking documents to the press and following up with public testimony, he could create the same public cry for change that had proven so successful in the OSHA campaign. When Silkwood found that she had been contaminated with plutonium in the weeks before her death, Mazzocchi feared that Kerr-McGee might pinpoint Silkwood as the source of the documents OCAW intended to leak to the New York Times.
In 1971, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration promulgated the first national standards for workplace exposure to asbestos. But Mazzocchi believed the OSHA standard was too lenient, and worked to have the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health conduct additional research into the toxicity of asbestos. In 1976, NIOSH issued a revision of its toxicity assessment for asbestos. But under significant pressure from asbestos manufacturers, OSHA refused to issue a revised standard.
Because of his strong ties to the environmental movement, Mazzocchi was named chair of the first Earth Day rally in New York City on April 22, 1970.
Mazzocchi became a national staffer in 1965. That year, long-time OCAW president O.A. Knight retired. Secretary-Treasurer Alvin F. Grospiron ran for president, and Mazzocchi strongly backed his candidacy. The election was a bitter one. Knight had allowed the Central Intelligence Agency to use the union as a cover for covert operations, and had accepted large sums of money from the agency. Because of his support for Gospiron, Mazzocchi was appointed OCAW's Citizenship-Legislative Director in 1965. He used his position to push strongly for health and safety language in union contracts, as well as for state and federal legislation on the issue. In 1969 and 1970, he organized a series of public meetings in which OCAW and other union members testified about the chemicals they were handling and the health problems they were having. Scientists also testified at these public hearings about the danger of these chemicals. The public meetings gained widespread press attention. Mazzocchi also used the hearings to help educate workers on the legislative process, and trained them to act as lobbyists for federal health and safety legislation. The media attention and pressure from union members provided critical support for congressional attempts to pass comprehensive occupational health and safety legislation. In December 1970, Congress enacted and President Richard Nixon signed the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA). Nixon specifically cited Mazzocchi's leadership and grassroots organizing efforts as key in winning passage of the Act.
In the 1960s, Mazzocchi was one of the first labor leaders to begin building strong ties with the environmental movement, an effort which paid off in the passage of major federal worker legislation. In 1962, he read Rachel Carson's book, Silent Spring. Mazzocchi reasoned that if small doses of the chemicals discussed in Silent Spring caused harm, the workers who received large doses in manufacturing plants must be in medical danger.
Mazzocchi had a strong interest in the peace movement. He concluded that poor workplace health and safety was, in essence, violence against workers. This led him to become active in the broader peace movement as a way of combating other forms of violence against workers. In 1957, Mazzocchi helped launched the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE). His activities in SANE won him a meeting in 1964 with President Lyndon B. Johnson to discuss converting military production facilities to civilian use. In 1972, when most American labor leaders strongly supported the Vietnam War, Mazzocchi founded Labor for Peace, a group of 22 labor leaders from 13 unions dedicated to ending the war.
Mazzocchi was also influential in Democratic politics. He campaigned on behalf of Adlai Stevenson in 1956, and became one of Long Island's most politically influential labor leaders. In 1964, Mazzocchi considered running for Congress. But, after being advised by party leaders that he was too radical for the electorate and would endanger the candidacies of other Democrats, he never undertook a campaign.
Mazzocchi became increasingly influential within UGCCWU. He helped engineer the 1955 merger of UGCCWU with the Oil Workers International Union to form the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union. In 1957, he was elected to the International Executive Board of OCAW from District 8. He served until 1965, when he was appointed OCAW's Citizenship-Legislative Director.
In 1953, at the age of 26, Mazzocchi was elected president of the United Gas, Coke, and Chemical Workers' Union (UGCCWU) Local 149, having run on a pledge of equal pay for women. Within a few years, he had not only won equal pay for equal work for women but also negotiated a health insurance plan—one which included the first dental insurance coverage in the private sector in the U.S. During his tenure as president of Local 149, Mazzocchi also led numerous successful organizing drives. He merged several smaller locals into his own and conducted a number of organizing drives, until Local 149 represented workers in 25 companies. He was elected Vice-President of the Nassau-Suffolk CIO Council from 1952 to 1955, and (after the merger of the AFL and CIO in 1955) the Long Island Federation of Labor from 1955 to 1973.
His future politics were shaped at an early age. His two sisters and a closeted gay uncle were all communists. In 1949, Mazzocchi supported Vito Marcantonio in his bid to become Mayor of New York City. Both factors played a major role in influencing Mazzocchi's radically progressive political views.
After his discharge in 1946, Mazzocchi got a job as an autoworker for Ford Motor Company in Edgewater, New Jersey. Having read extensively while in the Army, he went back to school and graduated from vocational-technical school while working as a construction worker and steelworker in Brooklyn. In 1950, he took a job at a Helena Rubenstein cosmetics factory in Roslyn, New York.
Anthony Mazzocchi was born on June 13, 1926 in Brooklyn, New York, USA.