Sergey Glazyev

Konstantin Zatulin: That’s the main story. I want to say about other regions – we have financed Kharkiv, financed Odesa. (...)

By August 2017, Glazyev averred that "Today Ukraine is an occupied territory. There is no legitimate power, there is no one to talk to, there are no people who can take responsibility for the implementation of political agreements. There are only servicemen of American aggressors who receive instructions from the American embassy, from there they receive funding and, in fact, serve American interests in Ukraine."

Following the August 2017 round of sanctions against the Russian Federation by the American Congress, Glazyev suggested that the USA should be officially designated as an "aggressor country." Believing that United States' power is based in part on the status of the dollar as the world's reserve currency, Glazyev suggested that Russia abandons the dollar and liquidates its sizeable ($110 billion in August 2017) investment in the U.S. Federal Reserve.

In 2016 Ukraine's Prosecutor General published wiretaps of telephone calls between Glazyev and a number of people in Ukraine directly involved in organizing pro-Russian mass riots in Odessa, Kharkiv and other cities in 2014. In the call Glazyev gives instructions on how to increase the impact of these riots and turn them into occupation of administration buildings as well as gives instructions on receiving funding. He also instructs Sergey Aksyonov on how the Crimean referendum should be formulated.

In a 2016 Konstantin Zatulin gave an interview for Russian Radio Business FM in which he confirmed that the calls indeed took place, only noting that the recordings were "taken out of context".

In 2015, Glazyev felt that the American capitalist model was entering an inevitable, very dangerous, phase of self-destruction. We are, he felt, "truly on the verge of a global war." Although this coming war poses a great danger for Russia, Glazyev said that the USA will fail to achieve its hegemonic goals of controlling Russia and the entire world.

On March 17, 2014, a day after the Crimean status referendum, Glazyev was one of the first seven persons who were placed under executive sanctions by President Obama. The sanctions froze his assets in the US and banned him from entering the United States. However, according to Glazyev, he has not been negatively affected by these sanctions because he has neither property nor accounts of any sort in the United States, nor had he any plans to come to America.

In June 2014, in an interview with the BBC, he called the new President of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, illegitimately elected due to the lack of votes in Ukraine's Easternmost provinces; the signing on the 27th of June 2014 of Ukraine–European Union Association Agreement likewise illegitimate. Glazyev also called Poroshenko a Nazi: "Europe is trying to push Ukraine to sign this agreement by force ... They organised [a] military coup in Ukraine, they helped Nazis to come to power. This Nazi government is bombing the largest region in Ukraine." Asked if he believed Mr Poroshenko was a Nazi, he replied: "Of course."

On 2 July 2014, Glazyev warned about economic consequences following the association of Ukraine with the European Union, "Be objective — the association with the EU imposed on Ukraine by force is leading to the sharp deterioration of the already poor state of Ukraine's economy, the reduction of its competitiveness, the forcing of Ukrainian goods out of the market and drop in their production, increased unemployment and decreased living standards."

In the intercepts Glazyev makes it clear that the riots and protests must look as if they were grassroots and inspired by local residents in spite of the fact that large part of funding for the pro-Russian militants came from Russia. Further investigation also demonstrated significant involvement of Glazyev into the events that led to the tragedy in Odessa on 2 May 2014.

On 5 July 2014, the head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) Valentyn Nalyvaichenko announced that a criminal action was brought against Glazyev under Ukraine's Criminal Code Article 436 (public appeals for unleashing a military conflict). Glazyev replied that "the SBU in Ukraine exerts the same function as the Gestapo did in the Nazi Germany." In his words, "the SBU is a criminal organization, and its leadership is completely controlled by American secret services."

During the election, Glazyev portrayed himself as a champion of social justice and an opponent of political corruption, particularly in the form of the Russian oligarchs. He pledged to write a guarantee of a high standard of living into the constitution, provide universal health care and free public education, triple the minimum wage, protect the rights of trade unions, redistribute the wealth belonging to the oligarchs, and increase economic growth. He also promised to eradicate the notorious Russian Mafia, purge corrupt bureaucrats and police, and protect the country from terrorism. This platform proved to be moderately popular, and Glazyev received 2,826,641 votes, or 4.1%–third place out of a field of six.

In August 2013 Glazyev said that stating that all Ukrainians favor Ukraine to integrate in the European Union "is some kind of sick self-delusion" and, citing a December 2012 poll, said "surveys by Ukrainian sociological services say something different: 35% of people prefer the European Union and 40% the Customs Union". He blamed "numerous political scientists and experts, who have fed on European and American grants for 20 years, and a whole generation of diplomats and bureaucrats that has appeared after the years of the 'orange' hysteria, who are carrying out an anti-Russian agenda" and "who are too far from the economy and real life, don't really know their country's history and are divorced from its spiritual traditions" for creating "an effect that Ukraine doesn't want".

Specially trained people should knock out “Banderovtsy” from the building council, and then they should arrange the meeting of the regional state administration, gather executive authorities. (...) It is very important for us the Regional State Administration to gather now. And for this it must be provided, as it was done in Kharkiv – in Kharkiv people came into [the regional administration] threw all “Banderovtsy” out, found the ammunition depot, now engage its disposal and will gather Regional State Administration and will also appeal to our President.

Glazyev endorsed Putin in the 2012 presidential election.

In July 2012, Putin appointed Glazyev as presidential aide for the coordination of the work of federal agencies in developing the Customs Union of Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia.

Glazyev announced his retirement from politics in March 2007, and said that he did not intend to seek a further term in the Duma, arguing that Vladimir Putin's rule had crowded out all forms of political opposition and debate in the country.

Following a split between Rogozin and Sergei Baburin in 2005, Glazyev re-joined the Rodina faction and reconciled with his former political partner. After Rogozin was replaced as party leader by Aleksander Babakov in early 2006, Rodina merged with the Russian Party of Life and the Russian Pensioners' Party in 2006 to create a new party, Fair Russia.

In 2004, both Glazyev and Gerashchenko sought the presidency on separate tickets, with Rodina's leaders voting to remain neutral in the contest. Gerashchenko was nominated as the candidate of one of the minor parties that made up the Rodina coalition, which led to the Central Election Commission refusing to place him on the ballot, as he had not been nominated by the whole party. Glazyev, who had nominated himself as an Independent, did not have any such problems, and appeared on the ballot.

Glazyev ran as an independent candidate in the 2004 Russian presidential election. His campaign slogans were “We’ll take Russia back” and “There is a choice”.

While he (and other challengers of Putin) had been polling in the single-digits, Glazeyev was seen by observers as the candidate with the most likely chance of experiencing a last-minute surge in support and posing a challenge to Putin. He was seen as a relatively strong candidate. This partially derived from the fact that his Rodina bloc had seen its share of support surge at the tail end of the 2003 legislative election from nearly zero to 9%. However, that was largely due to an effort by the Kremlin to increase support of Rodina to the detriment of the Communist Party. Additionally, analysts believed that Glazyev held greater potential than Gennady Zyuganov would of appealing to moderate left Russians. This made him the challenger which the Putin campaign was most focussed on, as Putin hoped to avoid seeing any opponent achieve a strong enough performance that they might be perceived as a potential frontrunner for the next presidential election.

In 1999, he resigned once again to run for the Duma, and was elected this time as an independent on the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. This time, however, he clashed with the party's leadership and, in 2003, he abandoned the party to help form Rodina, a nationalist party on the left wing of the Russian political spectrum. That year, he became one of 37 Rodina candidates elected to the State Duma. Other prominent candidates included Dmitry Rogozin, Chairman of the Duman Foreign Affairs Committee and co-chairman (with Glazyev) of Rodina, and also former Central Bank head Viktor Gerashchenko.

In his 1999 book, A Genocide: Russia And The New World Order, Glazyev argues that the rate of annual population loss in Russia in the 1990s has been "more than double the rate of loss during the period of Stalinist repression and mass famine in the first half of the 1930s.... There has been nothing like this in the thousand-year history of Russia." Glazyev traces this decline to "the conscious policy of the oligarchy that ruled the country. Its exploitation of power for purposes of personal enrichment effectively led to genocide against the Russian people."

Elected to the State Duma as a member of the Democratic Party of Russia in 1993, he first associated with his then-friend, and later bitter rival, Dmitry Rogozin. He resigned from office before his first four-year term was complete, as he had been named economic security advisor for the Federation Council of Russia and head of the Council's analytical department. He was also associated with Rogozin and Aleksandr Lebed in the short-lived nationalist political project, the Congress of Russian Communities.

Born in Zaporizhia, in the Ukrainian SSR as the son of a Russian father and a Ukrainian mother, Glazyev attended Moscow State University, earning a Doctor of Philosophy in economics. He entered government service in 1991, becoming First Deputy Minister of External Economic Relations under Yegor Gaidar. He served in this capacity for a year, and then was promoted to Minister by Viktor Chernomyrdin, serving until 1993, when he resigned.

Sergey Yurievich Glazyev (Russian: Серге́й Юрьевич Глазьев ) (born January 1, 1961, in Zaporozhye, Ukrainian SSR, USSR) is a Russian politician and economist, advisor to the president of the Russian Federation on regional economic integration, member of the National Financial Council of the Bank of Russia, and, since 2008, a full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Dr. Glazyev was the minister of Foreign Economic Relations in Yeltsin's cabinet and the only member of the Russian government to resign in protest of President Yeltsin's abolition of the Parliament and the Constitution in 1993. Glazyev was a member of the State Duma in 1993-2007, a candidate for the Presidency of the Russian Federation in 2004, and one of the leaders of the electoral block Rodina in 2003-2004.

The book then underlines Glazyev's views of the stark choice that confronted Russia on the verge of the 21st century: