Age, Biography and Wiki
Walter Tobagi was born on 18 March, 1947. Discover Walter Tobagi's Biography, Age, Height, Physical Stats, Dating/Affairs, Family and career updates. Learn How rich is He in this year and how He spends money? Also learn how He earned most of networth at the age of 33 years old?
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33 years old |
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18 March, 1947 |
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18 March |
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28 May 1980 |
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We recommend you to check the complete list of Famous People born on 18 March.
He is a member of famous with the age 33 years old group.
Walter Tobagi Height, Weight & Measurements
At 33 years old, Walter Tobagi height not available right now. We will update Walter Tobagi's Height, weight, Body Measurements, Eye Color, Hair Color, Shoe & Dress size soon as possible.
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Dating & Relationship status
He is currently single. He is not dating anyone. We don't have much information about He's past relationship and any previous engaged. According to our Database, He has no children.
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Walter Tobagi Net Worth
His net worth has been growing significantly in 2022-2023. So, how much is Walter Tobagi worth at the age of 33 years old? Walter Tobagi’s income source is mostly from being a successful . He is from . We have estimated
Walter Tobagi's net worth
, money, salary, income, and assets.
Net Worth in 2023 |
$1 Million - $5 Million |
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Under Review |
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Pending |
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Under Review |
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Timeline
The 102 inquests of the maxi-process to the left subversive area, began on 1 March 1983 and ended on 28 November that year. The sentence brought up many controversies because the judge Cusumano, interpreting the law about the repentants in a different way compared to the court of the city of Rome (where in any case were sentenced penalties of over 20 years of jail to repentant terrorists), granted to Marco Barbone, Mario Ferrandi, Umberto Mazzola, Paolo Morandini, Pio Pugliese and Rocco Ricciardi "the benefit of temporary freedom ordering their immediate release if not imprisoned for another cause", whereas the other members of the XXVIII March, De Stefano, Giordano and Laus, were sentenced to thirty years of imprisonment.
At the 1983 trial the members of Brigade XXVIII March's commando were condemned:
Tobagi was killed in Milan in Salaino street, at 11 o'clock, on 28 May 1980, with five shots fired by a terrorist commando of the left wing Brigade XXVIII March (Marco Barbone, Paolo Morandini, Mario Marano, Francesco Giordano, Daniele Laus and Manfredi De Stefano), the majority of which were sons of Milan bourgeoisie's families. Two members of the commando in particular belonged to the journalism field: they are Marco Barbone, son of the well known editorial manager of the publishing company Sansoni (property of the RCS MediaGroup) Donato Barbone, and Paolo Morandini, son of the film critic of the newspaper Il Giorno Morando Morandini.
Few months after the murder, the investigations of Carabinieri and judiciary led to the identification of the murders, and in particular to the identity of the leader of the new born Brigade XXVIII March, Marco Barbone himself who, right after his arrest, on 25 September 1980, decided to collaborate with the police and thanks to his reveals the whole Brigade XXVIII March was knocked down and more than a hundred people suspected of being left wing terrorists with whom Barbone had been in touch during his terrorist militancy were jailed.
The choice taken by the judiciary of building up a trial with more than 150 defendants regarding not only Tobagi's murder but the entire left's subversion, was heavily criticized. This according to Ugo Finetti, provincial secretary of PSI, made the debate appear as "a tral that should be staged so that it is spoken only a tiny bit and in a horrible way about the victim". In fact was hosed as a privileged referent Marco Barbone, who, by regretting right after the murder, started to give a bunch of information about the backgrounds of the "armed fight". This choice appears strange if it is taken into consideration that the general Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa in an interview for Panorama released on 22 September 1980 (three days before the arrest of the terrorist), refers to the murder of Tobagi and to the Brigade XXVIII March and talks about the fact of [...] having used the same technique adopted in Turin in '74–75 for the capture of Renato Curcio: extreme secrecy, cultural consciousness of the adversary, infiltration". That is to say, the law enforcement and the judiciary could already have a series of information regarding the terrorist group and the crime. Nevertheless, during the debating they based mainly on Barbone's declarations, who wasn't arrested as a suspect for the murder but with the following charges: membership of the Formazioni comuniste combattenti and Guerriglia rossa, and the participation to the robbery at the Municipal police of Colletta street. In his interview the general himself stated that there are supporters of the Brigade XXVIII March among the journalists. Another weirdness is the unusual uniformity between the points of view of the prosecutor, Barbone's defense and the opposition, always unusual, between accusation and civil party, which saw being refused any kind of instance aimed at clearing out the dynamics of the crime and the circumstances that led to Barbone's regret.
Another inconsistency in the statements of Barbone is the one regarding his stalking of the journalist the night of 27 May, the day before the murder. In May 1980, the victim often left the city of Milan in order to follow the electoral campaign for the amministrative elections, and returned only on Sunday. On the 27, a Wednesday, he was exceptionally at the Milan's "Circolo della Stampa" (where he was subject, as it was referred by some witnesses, of verbal attacks). The terrorist, afterwards, stated he had hung around the headquarter of the association «per rintracciare eventualmente quella del Tobagi e avere conferma che ci fosse, ma senza averla vista, me ne andai subito. La mattina successiva, quindi, agimmo». Se la presenza dell'auto presso il circolo era un fatto secondario rispetto alla messa in pratica del disegno criminoso, allora perché Barbone decise di pedinare Tobagi e soprattutto, come seppe della sua presenza a Milano?
The investigations didn't clear out the role occupied by Marco Barbone's girlfriend Caterina Rosenzweig, member of a well off Jewish family living in Milan, daughter of the businessman Gianni and of the headmaster of the Jewish School Paola Sereni. In 1978, two years before the murder, Caterina Rosenzweig, had stalked for a long time Tobagi, who was also his teacher of modern history at the University of Milan. Even though in September 1980 she was arrested with the others, Caterina was then released because of insufficiency of clues, nonetheless during the process it was ensured that the group of terrorists used to meet at her house in Solferino street, not far away from the offices where Tobagi worked. After the trial she moved to Brazil, a country in which she had already lived because it was the headquarter of his father's business.
In the document of the claim of the murder the terrorists seem to know the phenomenons linked to the world of press or to particulars about Tobagi's professional life; about the journalist they wrote "preso il volo dal Comitato di redazione del Corriere dal 1974, si è subito posto come dirigente capace di ricomporre le grosse contraddizioni politiche esistenti fra le varie correnti", but Gianluigi Da Rold asks: «Come fanno a sapere che Walter Tobagi fece parte del comitato di redazione del Corriere (termine usato solo all'interno di via Solferino) quale rappresentante sindacale del «Corriere d'informazione» anche se per poco tempo [due mesi, ndr], nel 1974?". The committee of Corriere's wording does not have to be confused with the counterpart of Corriere della Sera; there they used to get reunited the representatives of all the newspapers and magazines bounded to the Milans masthead during those years. So in the text is mentioned a very particular fact, but Barbone, during the debate, stated that he got confused: resuming an Ikon's article, they would have written the wrong date about when Tobagi truly became a member of the committee of wording of the newspaper. But ,as it was said, the committee of wording of Corriere della Sera is a different thing form the one of the Corriere and it seems really strange that, where the text's author (or the authors, according to Barbone's version) appears to be aware of the difference, in his declaration during the process he shows not to really know that, stating he simply got confused about the date when Tobagi became a member of the committee of "Corriere della Sera"
He then passed to the Corriere d'Informazione and, in 1972, to the Corriere della Sera, where he had the opportunity of expressing completely his potential as a reporter about terrorism and as a political chronicler.
Both at the Avanti! and at the Avvenire he focused on different topics, while he was slowly defining his interest for social themes, for the information, for the politics and the union movement, on which he dedicated lot of attention also in his "parallel" work as a researcher and professor. The first extensive inquiry published on the Avvenire was about the student movement in Milan, four different episodes of history, analysis, opinions about the little groups of students and the fights of the student movement in those years, an inquiry which represented the foundation for a more kind of organic and wide work published in 1970 by Sugar titled as Storia del Movimento Studentesco e dei marxisti-leninisti in Italia.
Walter Tobagi (18 March 1947 – 28 May 1980) was an Italian journalist and writer. He was killed in a terrorist attack by the Brigade XXVIII March, a left-wing terrorist group.
Walter Tobagi was born on 18 March 1947 in San Brizio, a neighborhood of the Italian district of Spoleto in Umbria, Italy. As an eight-year-old child he moved with his family in Bresso, close to the Italian city of Milan, mainly because of his father's work as a railway worker. His career as a journalist began during his early high school years, as the editor of the Parini high school's newspaper La zanzara, which became notorious for a trial against an article regarding sex education.